70th Anniversary of the Genocide Convention
Seventy Years of the Genocide Convention
The word, genocide, had been coined only a few years earlier by one of the Convention’s leading advocates, Raphael Lemkin, a Polish lawyer who was deeply affected by the Armenian genocide and the loss of his family in the Holocaust.
The Convention defines genocide as the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, any national, ethnic, racial, or religious group through any of five acts: killing; causing serious physical or mental harm; deliberately inflicting living conditions intended to cause the group’s destruction; imposing measures to prevent births; and the forcible transfer of children. And although Lemkin originally defined genocide in broader terms to include the preservation of cultural identity, the idea of ‘cultural genocide’ is not reflected in the Convention, which is a point of criticism.
Perhaps more significant than the creation of the crime itself, the Convention also established an obligation on all states to prevent and punish genocide no matter where it occurs.
The preamble to the Convention recognizes that ‘at all periods of history genocide has inflicted great losses on humanity’, and although sadly over the past seventy years the world has often failed in its obligation to prevent genocide, from Guatemala to Darfur, the Convention has also provided a vital framework for tackling this heinous crime.
Evolving Norms, Efforts to Prevent and Punish Genocide
Since the Convention was introduced, it has been ratified by 149 countries, but the prohibition of genocide and state duty to prevent and punish are recognized as internationally binding regardless of ratification. Yet these norms have been flaunted and tested over the years, such as in Cambodia, the former Yugoslavia, and Rwanda.
From 1975 to 1979, the Khmer Rouge under Pol Pot brutalized Cambodia. In four years, upwards of 2 million Cambodians perished, from starvation to systematic torture and killing. Along with anyone accused of ties to the previous government, monks and middle-class Cambodians, ethnic Vietnamese and Cham Muslims were especially targeted.
In 2003, Cambodia agreed to the establishment of a UN-backed tribunal, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), to prosecute Khmer Rouge atrocities. The ECCC has been criticized for inefficiency and vulnerability to political intrusion by Hun Sen, the country’s leader.
In November 2018, a little less than a month before the 70th anniversary of the Genocide Convention, the ‘Khmer Rouge Tribunal’ found two senior officials guilty of genocide but what this will effectively mean for the countless survivors is yet to be seen.
The ECCC drew on the jurisprudence of the first major tribunal since the Convention was approved, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY).
Sadly, the ICTY served no real preventive function considering the worst genocide in Europe since World War II took place within its jurisdiction some two years after its establishment. In July 1995, Serbian forces under Ratko Mladic massacred some 8,000 Bosniak men and boys and forcibly displaced upwards of 30,000 women and children at Srebrenica.
In November 2017, at its final trial, the ICTY found Mladic guilty of 10 charges including his role in the Srebrenica genocide and delivered a life sentence. At the time, former United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, called it the epitome of international justice.
But after 24 years, 161 indictments, and 90 convictions, including for genocide, and although it has been fundamental in shaping international norms, the ICTY has not really addressed underlying tensions toward ethnic and religious minorities in the former Yugoslavia.
The transitional justice failures of genocide tribunals are further apparent in the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), tasked with investigating and punishing the 1994 genocide of some 800,000 ethnic Tutsis.
Criticism of the ICTR aside, among the greatest concerns in Rwanda today are the policies of the country’s president, Paul Kagame, who has cracked down on civil and political rights, and outlawed ethnic identity rather than allow discussion of diversity. This makes it particularly challenging for the country’s Batwa indigenous people to advocate for their rights.
The establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC), whose jurisdiction under the 1998 Rome Statute includes the crime of genocide, was hailed as a milestone in accountability for international crimes but has also faced political limitations.
For minorities and indigenous peoples, from Syria to the Central African Republic, the threat of genocide and the failures of the international community remain very real.
Rohingya in Myanmar
Perhaps the best-known case of genocide in the last few years is that of the Rohingya in Myanmar, often called the world’s most persecuted minority, where hundreds of thousands have fled from acts of genocide into neighbouring Bangladesh and elsewhere. These have included mass killings, rape, torture, destruction of property and forced displacement. Leading up to and contributing to the violence has been a decades-long process to deny the Rohingya community of their Myanmar citizenship.
In September 2018, the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar labelled it an ‘ongoing genocide’ and called for Myanmar to be referred to the ICC or for the creation of an ad hoc tribunal, as well as targeted sanctions against those most responsible, such as Myanmar’s commander-in-chief General Min Aung Hlaing.
Yezidis in Iraq and Syria
An ethnic and religious minority scattered throughout Iraq, Syria and Turkey, Yezidis have faced persecution for generations. Beginning in August 2014, they were systematically targeted by the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS), but despite liberation from ISIS the community remains under threat.
In 2016, citing the Genocide Convention, the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic found that ISIS was committing genocide against Yezidis, including the killing of hundreds of men and sexual enslavement of thousands of women and girls. Since then, the Commission has warned that genocide is ongoing and unaddressed, and called for a referral to the ICC or the establishment of an ad hoc tribunal.
In 2018, a boost to international awareness for Yezidis, the Nobel Peace Prize was co-awarded to Yezidi rights defender Nadia Murad, one of 6,500 Yezidi women to have been sold into sexual slavery by ISIS. She has since donated the prize money to support persecuted minorities in the Middle East and especially Yezidi women survivors of sexual violence.
However, the geopolitics of Iraq and Syria have stalled meaningful progress in addressing genocide against Yezidis. The community and their allies continue to call for justice and an end to impunity.
The Genocide Convention is among the fundamental instruments of contemporary international law. Its approval in 1948 was a milestone for the protection and promotion of minority rights, yet in the intervening years numerous communities have been targeted by acts of genocide.
It might be said that one success of the Genocide Convention has been the establishment of an absolute red line for human rights violations and the development of universal obligations. And yet sadly it seems that the failure of many countries to adhere to their obligations under the Convention reflects not a denial of this obligation but the lack of political will to act, because acknowledgment of genocide demands international action.
Just as powerful nations refused to acknowledge the genocide in Cambodia or Rwanda in time to intervene, so too have many been painfully slow to recognize the violence against Rohingya as genocide.
But the challenges of preventing and punishing genocide are more than just political. The Convention’s narrow definition, failing to recognize more subtle actions intended to destroy communities in whole or in part, such as assaults on cultural identity and other fundamental elements of group life, also arguably make it an incomplete legal instrument.
In 2015, in its concluding report, the Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which was tasked with, among other things, acknowledging the impact of the Residential School system on Canada’s indigenous peoples, found that Canada’s treatment could best be described as ‘cultural genocide.’ And while the acknowledgment of atrocities against Canada’s indigenous peoples is clearly a symbolic victory, one might wonder why such systematic cruelty was not found to be genocide under the Convention.
As the Convention passes its seventh decade, and the world continues to grapple with atrocities against minorities and indigenous peoples, we must find new ways of overcoming the political obstacles of recognizing genocide, while at the same time, arguably, what we recognize as acts of genocide should evolve.
The 70th anniversary is an opportunity to recall that genocide can also include the deliberate infliction of living conditions intended to cause a community’s destruction. Certainly, we should look beyond the traditional violent acts accepted as genocide within the Convention to see how the survival of minorities and indigenous peoples are threatened by more indirect forms of violence, from the expropriation of ancestral lands to the forced erasure of unique cultural identities. At the same time, the fight continues to bring perpetrators to justice and defend the rights of communities at risk of mass atrocities.
Michael Caster is a human rights advocate, researcher, and civil society consultant. He holds an MA in Law and Diplomacy from the Fletcher School at Tufts University and an MA in Conflict Studies and Human Rights from the University of Utrecht. He has worked in China, Turkey, Tunisia, Thailand, and Myanmar.
Photo: Journey of a Rohingya Mother, Shahparir Island, Teknaf, Coxs Bazar, Bangladesh. September 2017. Photograph by Sudeepto Salam.
Share this content:
- “More than a flower in Romani hair” – International Roma Day 2019
- Hate Speech, Interethnic Violence and ‘Muslim-Free’ Villages: The Rohingya Crisis in an Era of International Indifference
- One year Later: The Landmark Judgement in the case of Saïd and Yarg against Mauritania
- Minority and Indigenous Peoples’ Rights on the 70th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
- Europe’s most hated in pursuit of a better future in the UK
- Resistencia, género, raza y no-democracia en Honduras
- The Deportation of Iraqi Citizens from the US: a Legal and Moral Question
- The most persecuted people on Earth? Responding to the ‘silent genocide’ of the Rohingya
- Roma families displaced by the war in eastern Ukraine face a double bind of poverty and discrimination
- #BlackLivesMatter shines a spotlight on ‘what African Americans had known all along’
- Where We Belong – a film offering a rare glimpse into the everyday life of post-ISIS rural Iraq
- Minority Testimonies of Statelessness
- Between Two Rivers – a film documenting the struggles and triumphs of civilian human rights activists in Iraq
- Our Lives in Transit – documentary sheds light on harsh realities faced by ‘legal ghosts’ in Dominican Republic
- Esclaves et discriminee: l’émancipation des femmes Haratines de Mauritanie
- Shaheedo Tum Kahan Ho – a film about Pakistan’s Hazara
- ‘Noun’ – a film about the current challenges facing Iraqi Christians
- Suárez Gold – Afro-Colombian miners defending their heritage
- A Journey to Imja Lake: Climate change in the land of the Sherpa
- Side Event at UN Human Rights Council on Iraq’s Displacement Crisis
- Film screenings of MRG documentaries – Hungary, 16 December
- A Step towards Justice: Current accountability options for crimes under international law committed in Syria
- The Naqab Bedouin: New Perspectives
- “No nationality, no rights”: Statelessness affecting Dominicans of Haitian descent
- Virtual Advice Centers: A tool to safeguard Roma rights in Macedonia
- Macedonia: Institutional discrimination and police brutality against Roma
- Iraq’s Sabean Mandeans in the spotlight
- Protecting human rights of vulnerable civilians in Iraq
- MRG launches campaign to fight racism in the Dominican Republic
- Climate change further reinforces inequalities and disproportionately affects minorities and indigenous peoples, according to MRG’s annual Trends Report
- EU funds report on Roma community in Ukraine
- ‘It’s here! Romani sexual dissidence.’ – MRG launches new multi-media report on gender and sexual diversity in Spain’s Gypsy community
- An uncertain future for Syrian refugees in Lebanon – New report highlights challenges of life in exile and barriers to return
- Egyptian government fails to uphold its Constitution, discrimination persists for religious and ethnic minorities – new report
- Iraq’s civilian activists face severe violent repression, new report
- MRG Statement at the 11th Session of the Forum on Minority Issues
- MRG Welcomes Cameroon’s Proposal for Amnesty
- MRG dismayed by recent court decisions concerning slavery in Mauritania
- Seven years after the Jasmine Revolution, Tunisia’s minority communities still contend with the legacy of discrimination – new report
- HRC41 – MRG statement on extractivism and racial discrimination
- HRC41 – #NoCasteLeftBehind – Side Event on Dalit Women and Gender Justice
- UN Committee reviews Mauritania’s compliance with civil and political rights – MRG, ASI and SOS Esclaves’ Submission
- UPR of Iran – MRG, Ceasefire and CSHR’s submission
- UPR of Egypt – MRG’s submission
- UPR of Iraq – MRG and Ceasefire’s submission
- UPR of Bosnia and Herzegovina – MRG’s submission
- HRC40 – Ukraine: MRG and Chirikli call for respect for Roma rights
- HRC40 – Minority Forum: SOS Esclaves’ statement on statelessness in Mauritania
- HRC40 – SR on Adequate Housing: MRG’s statement on forced displacement of minorities in Egypt
- Botswana: Tribal recognition and equality for the Wayeyi
- Chagos Islands: The Right of Return for the Chagossians
- Russia: Roma housing rights
- Iran and Iraq: Strengthening human rights defenders organisations working with vulnerable civilians
- Mauritania: Judicial workshops on the application of anti-slavery laws on behalf of Minority Rights Group International and SOS-Esclaves
- From action to equal rights for Roma in the FYROM: civil society facility and media programme
- Ukraine: Local authorities and civil society organizations together for an inclusive socio-economic development
- Protecting and promoting the human rights of discriminated minorities in Egypt
- Strengthening Human Rights Advocacy for Freedom of Religion and Belief in the Middle East and North Africa
- Pakistan: Promoting Tolerance through the Arts: Minority-Driven Theatre and Storytelling for Youth
- Botswana: Recognising minority rights
- Minority and Indigenous Trends 2019
- Justice Denied, Promises Broken: The Situation of Egypt’s Minorities Since 2014 (Available in English and Arabic)
- Roma in the Republic of Macedonia: Challenges and Inequalities in Housing, Education and Health
- Reparations for the victims of conflict in Iraq: Lessons learned from comparative practice
- Eyes on the Ground: Realizing the potential of civilian-led monitoring in armed conflict
- Ignored and Unequal: Roma Access to the Right to Housing and Education in Turkey
- Görmezlikten Gelinen Eşitsizlik: Türkiye’de Romanların Barınma ve Eğitim Hakkına Erişimi
- Crossroads: The future of Iraq’s minorities after ISIS
- Humanitarian challenges in Iraq’s displacement crisis
- Civilian protection in the battle for Mosul: Critical priorities