Macedonia lies in the western Balkans, bordering Albania, Kosovo, Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece. Large lakes in the southwest attract tourists and provide fishing resources.
In the Middle Ages, geographic Macedonia formed successively a part of the Bulgarian and Serbian empires, and its Slav-speaking population was converted to Eastern Orthodoxy. At the end of the fourteenth century, the region was over-run by the Turks and it remained a part of the Ottoman Empire until the eve of the First World War. Some Eastern Orthodox Slavs converted under Ottoman rule to Islam. During the period of Ottoman rule there was a substantial influx of Albanian-speakers, most of whom embraced Islam.
After the Balkan Wars of 1912-13, northern and central Macedonia were assigned to Serbia, southern Macedonia was apportioned to Greece, and the easternmost part of the region was given to Bulgaria. After the World War I, Bulgaria ceded an additional sliver of territory to the newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (after 1929, Yugoslavia). During the inter-war period, the Yugoslav authorities denied the existence of a separate Macedonian identity and embarked upon a policy of assimilation. In 1943 the communist partisans, led by Josip Broz Tito, affirmed the existence of a Macedonian nation and, at the end of the war, Macedonians were given the status of nation and the Socialist Republic of Macedonia was established as one of the country’s six republics along its pre-war borders within the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY).
After 1945, a Macedonian alphabet, orthography and grammar were devised. A Macedonian Orthodox Church was established in 1967. Although denied recognition both by the Serbian Patriarch and by the wider Orthodox community, the Macedonian Church enjoys substantial support within Macedonia itself.
Ethnic Albanians, concentrated in Kosovo and Macedonia, were the largest nationality without the status of nation in the SFRY. Albanians in Macedonia had some provision to protect their identity through Albanian language education, media and cultural associations. However, Albanians demonstrated for more rights in the 1980s, which in turn met with a rise in Macedonian nationalism.
In 1989, Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic took control of half of the seats in the SFRY’s rotating presidency. When Slovenia and Croatia declared independence, Macedonia (along with Bosnia and Hercegovina) faced a choice: remain in a rump federal Yugoslavia dominated by Milosevic, or also declare independence. In 1991, nearly 70 per cent of Macedonians opted for independence in a referendum. As Belgrade went to war against Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina, Macedonia with its much smaller Serb minority, was spared.
Ethnic tension between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians continued to be high and, in general, the two communities did not mix. During the 1998-1999 war in Kosovo, tens of thousands of Kosovo Albanians streamed into Macedonia, and some Macedonian Albanians fought in the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). While Macedonia’s Albanian community cared for many of the arrivals, ethnic Macedonians were wary. Most of the refugees returned to Kosovo after NATO intervention there led to the withdrawal of Serbian forces in June 1999. Radicalized by war and inspired by the eventual victory over Serbian forces, some Albanian extremists from both sides of the border formed the National Liberation Army and began the violent pursuit of Albanian separatism in Macedonia. Exclusion of Albanians from many spheres of public life, and specifically the government’s refusal to register the Albanian-language university of Tetovo, fuelled tensions.
These culminated in open conflict in early 2001. International officials exerted intense pressure to suppress the outbreak of violence. NATO forces in Kosovo cracked down on militants along the border, a NATO monitoring mission in Macedonia was launched, the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) announced that she had jurisdiction over war crimes committed during the conflict (and indeed, indicted a nationalist ethnic Macedonian interior minister), and the US and EU convened negotiations in the south-western town of Ohrid. The conflict ended with the August 2001 Ohrid Framework Agreement, which increased Albanian representation and language rights.
Under pressure from Greece, international organizations including the United Nations and European Union have only recognized the Republic of Macedonia under the reference ‘former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’ or ‘FYROM’, out of concern that the country is usurping the cultural heritage of all historical Macedonia, including the Greek province of that name, and could even stake a territorial claim to Greek land. Many countries have recognized the ‘Republic of Macedonia’ as such, including all of the former Yugoslav republics, China, the UK, and the US. The EU is divided, with Greece and Cyprus blocking recognition.
Main languages: Macedonian, Albanian, Romani, Turkish, Serbian
Main religions: Eastern Orthodox Christianity (70%), Islam (mainly Sunni) (29%)
Main ethnic groups, according to the 2002 census, are Macedonians 1,297,981 (64%), Albanians 509,083 (25%), Turks 77,959 (3.9%) and Roma 53,879 (2.66%). Other estimates put the Roma population at 200,000 and Albanians comprising 30-35 per cent.
Macedonians are a Slavic people who speak Macedonian and are mainly Christian Orthodox.
Albanians are the largest minority group. They are mainly Muslim, speak Albanian, and live predominately in western Macedonia. Other minorities include Turks, Roma, Serbs and Vlachs.
The Macedonian constitution includes the principle of equality and prohibits discrimination, including on the grounds of race and ethnic origin. There is no comprehensive anti-discrimination legislation. A 2005 law on labour relations prohibits discrimination in employment, including on the basis of race and religion. A Law on Religious Communities and Religious Groups is currently being revised, but the proposals are problematic as they include recognition of one religious community per religious confession. Macedonia has ratified major international human rights treaties, including the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, and they take precedence over national legislation.
The Ohrid Framework Agreement, which ended the armed conflict in 2001, provided for a range of legislative and policy measures to ensure equality and minority protection. As a result, constitutional changes were made and legislation introduced or amended. This package of decentralized power, gave official status to a minority language in areas where at least 20 per cent of the population speak it, adopted proportional representation, strengthened education in the Albanian language, and improved participation and employment of minority peoples in public life and state institutions. The Ohrid Framework Agreement led to the ‘double majority’ rule, meaning that any parliamentary decisions affecting the rights of communities or local self-government must be passed both by a majority of all MPs and a majority of the total number of votes by MPs from the minority community. At the municipal level, Committees for Inter-ethnic Relations are being established in areas with more than 20 per cent minority population; if given a meaningful role, these could be an important mechanism for participation. A key problem with the Ohrid Framework Agreement is that it focuses on the ethnic Albanian and Macedonian communities, marginalizing smaller minority communities. Whilst comprehensive legislative changes have been made, implementation of the laws, policies and programmes has varied.
Macedonia is a parliamentary democracy, with a single chamber parliament. Participation of minorities, particularly of ethnic Albanians, in parliament and in state institutions has improved since the Ohrid Agreement. Since independence, Macedonia has been governed by multi-ethnic coalitions, with two main Albanian parties split between the governing coalition and opposition. Political life is dominated by ethnic Macedonians and Albanians, leaving out smaller communities. A Committee on Inter-ethnic relations, made up of members of all ethnic groups, has been established and can make proposals to Parliament.
The transition to a market economy resulted in lowered standards of living across Macedonia. Minorities have been especially affected, in part because rural areas neglected by the government, where most minorities live, have felt the greatest blow, and in part due to ongoing discrimination against minorities. The Roma and Turkish communities have been most affected, and suffer widespread poverty, and lack of access to such basic necessities as health care and electricity.
The European Union is Macedonia’s main trading partner (more than 50 per cent of Macedonia’s trade is with the EU) and donor and has the most political leverage, as Macedonia is a candidate country to the European Union.
The education system has long been one of the major factors in the de facto segregation between ethnic Albanians and ethnic Macedonians due to the insistence of both communities that their children be taught in their first language and resistance to learning each other’s language.
The judiciary is influenced by political parties, especially through selection of judges. It further suffers from a judicial backlog, and difficulties with the enforcement of judgments.
Despite government pledges to fight it, corruption continues to be a serious problem in many areas of social, economic and political life. The problem includes such state institutions as the police. Increased participation of minorities in the police force and establishment of interethnic police units has made the service more effective, but complaints about ethnic bias of the police persist.
A range of measures contained in the Ohrid Framework Agreement aiming to foster tolerance have largely not been implemented, and Macedonian society remains highly segregated.
Minority based and advocacy organisations
Association for Democratic Initiatives (ADI)
[Aims to integrate human rights into the political, economic and social development of Southeast European societies]
Tel: +389 42 22 11 00
Civil Society Resource Centre
Tel: +389 91 10 95 09
European Centre for Minority issues Macedonia (ECMI)
Tel: +389 23 21 56 37
Macedonian Information and Liaison Service
Tel: +389 91 22 33 19
Email: email@example.com, firstname.lastname@example.org
Roma Centre of Skopje
Tel: +389 22 63 88 00
Sources and further reading
Advisory Committee on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. Opinion on Macedonia. 2005
Briza, J., Minority Rights in Yugoslavia, MRG Report, London, 2000.
European Commission against Racism and Intolerance, ECRI’s country-by-country approach: Report on The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Strasbourg, 24 May 1999, Council of Europe, retrieved 26 March 2007.
MRG (ed.), Minorities in Central and Eastern Europe, London, MRG report, 1993.
MRG Greece, Pettifer, J. and Poulton, H., The Southern Balkans, London, MRG report, 1994.
Poulton, H., Minorities in Southeast Europe: Inclusion and Exclusion MRG report, London, 1998.
Poulton, H., The Balkans: Minorities and States in Conflict, 2nd edn, London, Minority Rights Publications, 1993.
Working Group on Minority Issues. Shadow Report on the Situation of National Minorities in the Republic of Macedonia submitted to the Advisory Committee on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. 2004
EU Enlargement : http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/index_en.htm
Liégeois, J-P. and Gheorghe, N., Roma/Gypsies: A European Minority, London, MRG report, 1995.